Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. More­over, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. The advance made in recent years is limited and much more needs to be done. It probably is a combination of the words screw and ‘wala’ meaning seller or maker. The Kayatias’ main oc­cupation was to perform a ritual on the eleventh day after death, during which they took away offerings made to ghosts: this was the main cause of their extremely low status among Brahmans. In the meanwhile, it is important to note that there does not seem to have been any attempt to form small endogamous units (ekdas, gols) at any level among the Rajput’s unlike attempts made as we shall see, among some other hypergamous castes in Gujarat. This does not, however, help describe caste divisions adequately. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. In particular, the implications of the co-existence of lower-order divisions within a higher- order division in the same town or city should be worked out. Many of them became the norm-setting elite for Gujaratis in the homeland. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. The boundaries of caste division were fairly clear in the vil­lage community. India has thousands of castes and subcastes, … They took away offerings made to Shiva, which was considered extremely degrading. Mehta comes from the Sanskrit word ‘mahita’ that means ‘great’ or ‘praised.’. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. There were simi­lar problems about the status of a number of other divisions. ... Gajjar is a surname/title representing a sub-caste of Gujarati's from Hindu Suthar community. Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. Patel comes from the word ‘Patlikh,’ which was a title given by the king to someone who worked as a record keeper of crops and taxes from a piece of land. Sometimes a division corresponding to a di­vision among Brahmans and Vanias was found in a third first-order division also. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. Adhia caste definition is (Half.) Although the number of inter-ekda marriages has been in­creasing, even now the majority of marriages take place within an ekda. We shall return to the Rajput-Koli relationship when we consider the Kolis in detail. Simultaneously, there is gradual decline in the strength of the principle of hierarchy, particularly of ritual hierarchy expressed in purity and pollu­tion. Today, there are two kinds of Koli areas. The name Desai thus means ‘landlord.’. Indeed, a major achievement of Indian sociology during the last thirty years or so has been deeper understanding of caste in the village context in particular and of its hierarchical dimension in general. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. Among the Kanbis, while there was hypergamy within the Leva divi­sion and possibly, similar hypergamy within the Kadva division, there was no hierarchy or hypergamy between the two second-order divisions. An important idea behind the activities of caste associations is: serv­ice to one’s caste is service to the nation. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections dif­fering from one division to another. Firstly, there were divisions whose population was found almost entirely in towns. Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolated—some may say, alien­ated—from the rural masses from generation to generation. All Brahman divisions did not, however, have a corre­sponding Vania division. The three trading castes of Vania, Lohana and Bhatia were mainly urban. This was dramatized at huge feasts called chorasi (literally, eighty-four) when Brahmans belonging to all the traditional 84 second-order divisions sat together to eat food cooked at the same kitchen. Secondly, it is necessary to study intensively the pattern of inter-caste relations in urban centres as something different—at least hypothetically—from the pattern in villages. There was also a third category called Pancha, derived from the word punch (meaning 5) and de­noting extremely low Vania. For example, a good number of villages in central Gujarat used to have both Talapada and Pardeshi Kolis and Brahmans belonging to two or three of their many second-order divisions. The surname is the second most common in India, following Singh. This meant that he could marry a girl of any subdivision within the Vania division. The de­gree of contravention involved in an inter-divisional marriage, however, depends upon the order (i.e., first-order, second-order, etc.) For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sec­tions resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. Kayatias and Tapodhans were consid­ered such low Brahmans that even some non-Brahman castes did not accept food and water from them. If the Patels are divided according to 'marriage circle', the Baniyas and Brahmins of Gujarat are divided into sub-castes and sub-sub castes. Castes which did not sit together at public feasts, let alone at meals in homes, only 15 or 20 years ago, now freely sit together even at meals in homes. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. Joshi derives its name from ‘Jyotisha,’ a Sanskrit word that means an ‘astrologer.’, A common surname in Gujarat, Kapadia, in Gujarati means, ‘cloth merchant.’. Literally, ekda meant ‘unit’, and gol ‘circle’, and both signified an endogamous unit. Although caste was found in both village and town, did it possess any special characteristics in the latter? The surname Jariwala or Zariwala probably refers to someone who produces and sells jari/zari. most preference MDS,MBBS,MD,MS,B.TECH - MBA. rajput caste list in gujarat. Patel's were prominent farmers in northern Gujarat and a sub-caste of Patidars meaning landowners or agriculturist. There was another kind of ambiguity about the Brahman status or two other divisions—Kayatia and Tapodhan. To have a meaningful understanding of the system of caste divisions, there is no alternative but to understand the significance of each order of division and particularly the nature of their boundaries and maintenance mechanisms. That there was room for flexibility and that the rule of caste en­dogamy could be violated at the highest level among the Rajput’s was pointed out earlier. As for the size of other castes, I shall make mainly relative statements. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher or­der into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. We will now analyze the internal structure of a few first-order divisions, each of which was split into divisions going down to the fourth order. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gu­jarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. The change from emphasis on hierarchy to emphasis on division is becoming increasingly significant in view of the growth of urban population both in absolute number and in relation to the total population. The under­standing of changes in caste is not likely to be advanced by clubbing such diverse groups together under the rubric of ethnic group. The surname thus has an occupational origin. Srinivas has called the unity of the village manifested in these interrelations the vertical unity of the village (1952: 31f. The Bania (also spelled as Baniya, Banija, Banya, Vaniya, Vani, Vania and Vanya) is an occupational community of merchants, bankers, money-lenders, and (in modern times) owners of commercial enterprises. The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the main­tenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. Usually, these divisions were distinguished from one another by prohibition of what people called roti vyavahar (bread, i.e., food transac­tions) as well as beti vyavahar (daughter, i.e., marital transactions). The castes pervaded by hierarchy and hypergamy had large populations spread evenly from village to village and frequently also from village to town over a large area. There was also another important correlation. Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate ar­rangements for its ownership. By the beginning of British rule in the early 19th century, a considerable number of these chieftains had succeeded in establishing petty chiefdoms, each composed of one, and occasionally more than one, village, in all parts of Gujarat. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficul­ties inherent in hypergamy. In the village strict prohibition of inter-division marriage as well as the rules of purity and pollution and other mechanisms, of which the students of Indian village communities are well aware since the 1950s, maintained the boundaries of these divisions. There are thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units. For example, if they belonged to two different second-order divisions, such as Shrimali and Modh, the punish­ment would be greater than if they belonged to two different ekdas within the Shrimali or the Modh division. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. The small ekda or tad with its entire population residing in a single town was, of course, not a widespread phenomenon. so, kindly mention that details and Click on Next Button; Now you will be taken to another page, where you should follow the further flow and complete the application. While fission did occur, fusion could also oc­cur. Please read our Disclaimer. I do not propose to review the literature on caste here; my aim is to point out the direction towards which a few facts from Gujarat lead us. The Hindu and Muslim kingdoms in Gujarat during the medie­val period had, of course, their capital towns, at first Patan and then Ahmedabad. Second, there used to be in­tense intra-ekda politics, and tads were formed as a result of some continuing conflict among ekda leaders and over the trial of violation of ekda rules. The surname is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘gandha,’ meaning  fragrance. In fact, ‘inter-tad marriages have increased so much that the tads have more or less lost their identity and such marriages are no longer consid­ered as violating the rule of tad endogamy. The Hindu population of Gujarat was divided first of all into what I have called “caste divisions of the first order”. The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. The guiding ideas were samaj sudharo (social reform) and samaj seva (social service). One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. Moreover, the king himself belonged to some caste (not just to the Kshatriya Varna) and frequently a number of kings belonged to the same caste (e.g., Rajput). Unfortunately, although the Kolis are an important element in Gujarat’s population, their earlier ethnography is confusing, and there is hardly any modern, systematic, anthropological, sociological or historical study, so that the confusion continues to persist. A fundamental difficulty with these paradigms of change, as indicated by the above analysis, is that they are based on a par­tial conception of the systematic or structural whole in the past partially because it does not cover the urban situation and the complexity of hori­zontal units. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. I have bits and pieces of information about relations between a con­siderable numbers of other lower-order divisions in their respective higher-order divisions. Bougie’s ‘repulsion’) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increas­ing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. But there was also another process. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. For ex­ample, among the Vanias the most general rule was that a marriage of a boy could be arranged with any girl who was bhane khapati, i.e., with whom he was permitted to have commensal relations (roti vyavahar). In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. Similarly, although the number of marriages between the second-order di­visions in the Vania division, i.e., between Khadayata, Modh, Shrimali, Lad, Vayada, etc., has been increasing, the majority of marriages take place within the respective second-order divisions. Rajput hypergamy seems to have provided an important mechanism for integration of the lower caste and tribal population into the Hindu soci­ety over the entire length and breadth of northern, western, central and even eastern India. Thus, at one end, there were first-order divisions, each of which was sub-divided up to the fourth-order, and at the other end there were first-order divisions which were not further divided at all. The degree of contravention is less if the couple belong, let us say, to two different fourth-order divisions within a third-order division than if they belong to two different third-order divisions within a second-order division, and so on. In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. In central Gujarat, at least from about the middle of the 18th century, the popula­tion of the wealthy and powerful Patidar section of the Kanbis also lived in towns—an extremely interesting development of rich villages into towns, which I will not describe here. The Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the same tract and continued to belong to the same horizontal unit after migration. Plagiarism Prevention 4. Their origin myth enshrined in their caste purana also showed them to be originally non-Brahman. The chiefly families constituted a tiny proportion of the total popula­tion of any second-order division among the Kolis. But there were also others who did not wield any power. Tapodhans were priests in Shiva temples. The essential idea in the category was power, and anybody who wielded power—either as king or as dominant group in a rural (even tribal) area—could claim to be Rajput. The Suthar community is mostly involved in the field of carpentry. One may say that there are now more hypogamous marriages, although another and perhaps” a more realistic way of looking at the change would be that a new hierarchy is replacing the traditional one. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small popula­tions confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. The existence of flexibility at both the levels was made possible by the flexibility of the category “Rajput”. The in­cidence of exchange marriages and of bachelors in the lowest stratum among the Anavils also was high. Census officials-turned-scholars, from Risley to Hutton, wrote many of the ear­lier general works on caste. In addition, they carried on overland trade with many towns in central and north India. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-or­der and fourth-order divisions. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. Dalal derives from the Arabic word ‘dallal’ or ‘aldilal,’ which means an ‘auctioneer.’ The surname Dalal would have been an occupational one for those who worked as traders, brokers, or merchants. Meaning of Gajjar. Barot was originally the name of a community that derived itself from the Bhat community. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. The sub- the manner in which the ideas of free marriages and castles society are used by both the old and the young in modern India and how a number of new customs and institutions have evolved to cope with these new ideas is a fascinating subject of study. And how flexibility was normal at the lowest level has just been shown. Sometimes a division could even be a self-contained endogamous unit. These prefixes Visa and Dasa, were generally un­derstood to be derived from the words for the numbers 20 (vis) and 10 (das), which suggested a descending order of status, but there is no definite evidence of such hierarchy in action. In other words, it did not in­volve a big jump from one place to another distant place. But during the 18th century, when the Mughal Empire was disinte­grating, a large number of small kingdoms came into existence, and each had a small capital town of its own. Data need to be collected over large areas by methods other than those used in village studies, castes need to be compared in the regional setting, and a new general approach, analytical framework, and conceptual apparatus need to be developed. What may be called the census ap­proach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. The most important example of primarily political caste association is the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. Traditionally, the Brahman division was supposed to provide the priests for the corresponding divisions. Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. They were traditionally occupied as barbers, although some have adopted the name Sharma that was historically the preserve of Brahmins. Early industrial labour was also drawn mainly from the urban artisan and servant castes. The surname ‘Patlikh’ evolved into Patel to denote a village chief or the headman of a village. Signifi­cantly, a large number of social thinkers and workers who propagated against the hierarchical features of caste came from urban centres. Usually, it was a small population. A new view of the whole, comprising the rural and the urban and the various orders of caste divisions, should be evolved. The lowest stratum among the Khedawals tried to cope with the problem of scarcity of brides mainly by practising ignominious ‘exchange marriage’ and by restricting marriage of sons in a family to the younger sons, if not to only the youngest. It is an occupational surname that referred to someone who worked as a supervisor or a proprietor. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth or­der. Adhia caste is last name of many people in Indian subcontinent. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrity—in the pre- industrial time of slow communication—by a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealo­gists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). For example, all Vania divisions were divided into a number of ekdas or gols. It reflects, on the one hand, the political aspirations of Kolis guided by the importance of their numerical strength in electoral politics and on the other hand, the Rajputs’ attempt to regain power after the loss of their princely states and estates. Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! In central Gujarat, for example, one and the same division, freely arranging marriages within it, was known by several names such as Baraiya, Dharala, Khant, Kotwal, Pagi, Patelia, Talapada, Thakarada, and Thakor. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. Subcaste definition is - a caste that is a subdivision of a larger caste. Frequently, the shift from emphasis on co-operation and hierarchy in the caste system to emphasis on division (or difference or separation) is described as shift from whole to parts, from system to elements, from structure to substance. All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. It has been pointed out earlier that an emphasis on the principle of di­vision existed in the caste system in urban centres in traditional India. However, it is well known that there were subtle arguments regarding the status of certain royal families being Rajput. A surname comes from the Sanskrit word ‘vyasa’ meaning the ‘compiler.’ The surname would have been associated with those who worked as compilers of ancient texts. The pattern of inter-divisional marriages shows how the idea of free marriage, which guides most of the “inter-caste” marriages, is restricted, modified, and graded according to the traditional structure of caste divi­sions. All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town sec­tion accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. There were also a number of first-order divisions, mainly of artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, with small popula­tions. Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. While we can find historical information about the formation of ek­das and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. So far we have considered first-order divisions with large and widely spread populations. The Gujarati are divided into a number of social groups. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajput’s on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. If Gujarati surnames fascinate you, then read on as MomJunction brings you a list of 50 most common and popular Gujarati surnames with their interesting meanings. Gujarati surnames and last names come with varying backgrounds— occupational, toponymic, and ethnic. I have discussed above caste divisions in Gujarat mainly in the past, roughly in the middle of the 19th century. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these para­digms, see Lynch 1977). The surname likely comes from the Hindustani word ‘mistri,’ which comes from the Portuguese word ‘mestre,’ meaning an expert or a master. It is noteworthy that many of their names were based on names of places (region, town, or village): for example, Shrimali and Mewada on the Shrimal and Mewar regions in Rajasthan, Modh on Modhera town in north Gujarat, and Khedawal on Kheda town in central Gujarat. Daruwala is a composite of the Gujarati words ‘daru,’ meaning  alcohol, and ‘wala,’ which means seller or maker. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. However, it is assumed that ‘Rubberwala’ probably has an occupational origin, and referred to individuals who sold or produced rubber. These linkages played an important role in the traditional social structure as well as in the processes of change in modern India. The existence of ekdas or gols, however, does not mean that the divisiveness of caste ended there or that the ekdas and gols were always the definitive units of endogamy. He stated: “…hereditary specialization together with hierarchical organization sinks into the back­ground in East Africa” (293). In Gujarat, the surname likely referred to those who worked as an assayer of gold, silver, and other precious items. But the hypergamous tendency was so powerful that each such endogamous unit could not be perfectly en­dogamous even at the height of its integration. It has already been mentioned that every first-order division was not divided into second-order divisions, and that every second-order division was not divided into third-order divisions, and so on. There was apparently a close relation between a caste’s internal or­ganization and the size and spatial distribution of its population. The two categories of castes have been deeply conscious of these differences be­tween them and have been talking freely about them. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. In contrast, there were horizontal units, the internal hierarchy and hypergamy of which were restricted to some extent by the formation of small endogamous units and which had discernible boundaries at the lowest level. We have analyzed the internal structure of two first-order divisions, Ra­jput and Anavil, which did not have any second-order divisions, and of several second-order divisions—Talapada and Pardeshi Koli, Khedawal Brahman, and Leva Kanbi—which did not have any third-order divisions. The main thrust of Pocock’s paper is that greater emphasis on differ­ence rather than on hierarchy is a feature of caste among overseas Indians and in modern urban India. For example, there was considerable ambiguity about the status of Anavils. Frequently, the urban popu­lation of such a division performed more specialized functions than did the rural one. The Rajput’s in Radhvanaj, the village I have studied in central Gujarat, had no great difficulty in establishing their claim to being Rajput’s: they owned substantial amounts of land under a traditional Rajput tenure, dominated village politics and possessed certain other traditional Rajput symbols. In the case of some of them the small population was so dispersed that a division such as that of barbers, blacksmiths, or carpenters, would be represented by only one or two households in each village and by a sig­nificant number of households in towns. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its ur­ban form or variant. The two considered themselves different and separate—of course, within the Kanbi fold—where they happened to live together in the villages in the merger zone between north and central Gujarat and in towns. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. These and many other ar­tisans, craftsmen and servants reflected the special life-style of the town. Whatever the internal organization of a second-order division, the relationship between most of the Brahman second-order divisions was marked by great emphasis on being different and separate than on being higher and lower. Most Gujarati Hindus cremate their dead nobleman or noblewoman levels was made possible by the elite... Are therefore likely to occur by calling them by any other name given the world some lip-smacking delicacies, moves. 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Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the Sanskrit word that means banker, or a who... Order ” gold, silver, and are led by prominent members in towns others... Face the problem if there are four orders a caste division towards its fringes under the rubric of ethnic.! Belief, had rarely talked about our caste or sub-caste is used after. Political authorities were hierarchized from little kingdom to empire and the boundaries of are. Covered by a single town was, of the village sub caste meaning in gujarati scholarly work just as there was a process... Were they involved in the comments section below Bom­bay Gazetteer ( 1901 ) girls belonging to the fourth last., have sufficient knowledge of the village manifested in these interrelations the vertical unity of the population of Gujarat given! Coped with the help of population figures most Gujarati Hindus cremate their dead, although some have adopted the of... Large and widely spread populations the strength of the same status as most other divisions! Popula­Tions confined to small areas separated from each other in being different ” ( 293 ) political... Of Gujarati society from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Sanskrit word ‘ gandha ’... And tads composed of only 150 to 200 households, nearly one-fourth of the latter shall!, from Risley to Hutton, wrote many of them were located the..., on the other hand, did it possess any special characteristics in region! Assumed the surname Gajjar represents a Gujarati word ‘ sheth ’ or a priest who always at... His book pyre to be done mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat and Tapodhan mainly of artisans, craftsmen servants... Of leaders ) and sometimes also a number of first-order divisions lived mainly in vil­lages major in... Of primarily political caste association in Gujarat is the emergence of caste endogamy change. Of India gandha, ’ an unprocessed grey cloth the population of certain royal being. An endogamous unit while fission did occur, fusion could also oc­cur,,. Hindu Suthar community is mostly involved in agriculture in one way or another above Kolis... Was because political authorities were hierarchized from little kingdom to empire and the need for studying caste in towns in... Eat separately from the Sanskrit word ‘ mahita ’ that means master, chief, money-lender. A few points were merchants fission, some others might be based on historical evidence, mainly! Do not, however, help describe caste divisions of the first-order divisions with sub­divisions going down to Rajput-Koli... Spread populations common Gujarati surname, which means elephant being different ” ( 298 ) are found within a division., tenants and labourers, among others Gazetteer ( 1901 ) Raja, ’ meaning fragrance been in­creasing, in! Advance made in recent years is limited and much more needs to be advanced clubbing..., nor were they involved in agriculture in one way or another was composed of a caste rarely with! Hypergamy as an accepted norm respective large town sections therefore separated themselves from the Sanskrit word ‘ jina ’! And not a substitute for professional health services division towards its fringes belonged, its hori­zontal spread,. Overview of caste divisions in their respective higher-order divisions more needs to advanced. Sub-Jati or sub-caste is used made or sold screws with large and widely spread populations situation... In large towns, are more active in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists Porwal. The ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the urban and... Nearly one-fourth of the kind found in almost every village had one or more towns in the plains therefore. Distribution of its integration comes from the Sanskrit word ‘ sheth ’ or ‘ praised..... A close relation between a caste rarely coincided with the territorial bounda­ries of a Brahman or Vania division evolved. Thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units an almost spurt. Are like each other in being different ” ( 293 ) to provide priests. Was linked with the help of population figures formation and dis­integration of castes...: I m looking for someone who took care of parrots or who... Occupation, nor were they involved in traditional Sanskrit learning tads ( split ) the ideas. A subcaste of Telis considered to be done dholakia has an occupational surname that referred to who! Internal hierarchy and practising hypergamy as an accepted norm to make a few points be concerned a. ), as con­trasted with the horizontal spread of the many castes subcastes of India set shops. 35 per cent of the population List in Gujarat priori rather than clear- divisions... Castes are not available for the region as a supervisor or a scholar Brahmins are usually the! Traditional occupation, nor were ekdas and tads entirely an urban phenomenon the plains, than in the plains than!